Sukumar Muralidharan
Sukumar Muralidharan is a distinguished journalist and journalism instructor with over three decades of experience, primarily in print media.

Sukumar Muralidharan is a distinguished journalist and journalism instructor with over three decades of experience, primarily in print media. He has worked for esteemed publications like The Hindu and Frontline, and was a fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study in Shimla. He’s also an accomplished author and has taught at Jindal Global University. In this interview with Paresh Malakar, Muralidharan delves into the complex and ongoing conflict between Israel and Iran, exploring its historical roots, recent provocations, and the geopolitical implications for the Middle East and the wider world.

Edited excerpts:

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I’d like to start with some basic questions related to the Israeli-Iran conflict. This conflict, which began with an Israeli attack on Iran – what is its background? Is it a sudden development, or was it waiting to happen?

Sukumar Muralidharan: Israel has been warning for 33 years that Iran is “just a few weeks away” from developing a nuclear bomb, which hasn’t happened. Iran’s official policy is not to build a nuclear bomb, but to develop nuclear capacities, as is their right under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. This alarm, sounded by figures like Netanyahu since 1995, has gone unchallenged in the West due to Israel’s impunity.

The context shifted after the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. The power vacuum created by the US vastly expanded Iran’s strategic influence in Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen, making Iran the most significant strategic challenge to Israel since Egypt’s peace accord in 1977. This has led to sustained pressure on Iran, including sanctions via the IAEA (supported by India in 2005) and military actions like Israel’s 2006 war against Lebanon to target Hezbollah. The 2011 Arab Spring further destabilized non-Western aligned Arab states. After weakening regional allies, Israel, with tacit US approval, escalated its focus on Iran.5 The current attack is rooted in the 2003 demolition of Iraq.

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What about the immediate provocation? Is it the 2023 Hamas attack on Israel, given that Hamas was supported by Hezbollah, which in turn is supported by Iran? Can you also explain that very recent connection?

Sukumar Muralidharan: Since the collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian “peace process” around September 2000 with the Al-Aqsa Intifada, Israel has faced an existential crisis. Palestinians are the majority population between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, undermining the concept of an exclusively Jewish state. The long-term Zionist perspective envisions an exclusively Jewish nation-state, achieved through expulsion or reduction of the Palestinian population, and hegemonic control from the Euphrates to the Nile.

October 7th, 2023, provided the pretext. Netanyahu falsely equated it to the Holocaust, despite it being a resistance act by an occupied people against an occupying power, with most casualties resulting from Israel’s “Hannibal Directive” to prevent captives. This narrative secured unconditional Western backing. Global agencies like the UN, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch have documented daily war crimes by Israel since October 7th.6 The ICC has even issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu.7 The West seems intent on allowing Israel to implement its full strategic plan for the region.

How do you actually justify, then, what is your locus standi to say you can change the regime in another country?

Sukumar Muralidharan: There’s a persistent Western military doctrine from colonial days: apply maximum military force, primarily through aerial bombardment, without risking your own troops, to effect regime change. This was attempted in Iraq from 1991 to 2003, and ultimately failed without ground troops.

Israel is now targeting Iran’s command and control centers, security, and intelligence establishments, including killing nuclear scientists and top military commanders.8 This suggests infiltration of Iran’s security. They’ve identified Reza Shah Pahlavi, son of the deposed Shah, as a potential leader, despite his decades-long absence from Iran.

Under the UN Charter, non-intervention in another state’s affairs is a core principle.9 However, Israel has historically disregarded international law, and with US support, operates with impunity.10 The US invasion of Iraq in 2003 was widely deemed illegal, highlighting the lawless nature of international relations where power often dictates actions.11

You have made several references to the US in this whole thing. But if we have to discuss the role of the US exclusively in this thing, what is your take on it?

Sukumar Muralidharan: The US role has been central. Nothing since October 7th, 2023, would have happened without active US patronage. The devastation in Gaza is effectively “Made in USA, delivered by Israel.” Despite initial threats to withhold arms, the US quickly resumed and even enhanced supplies.

Regarding Iran, the overthrow of the Shah in 1979 was a major setback for the US. Their attitude towards Iran has consistently been hostile, even during the Iran-Iraq war. While there was a brief period of conciliation during Obama’s second term with the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), Israel vociferously objected. Netanyahu even addressed the US Congress to attack Obama’s policy, demonstrating the Israeli lobby’s power in Washington. Trump subsequently tore up the JCPOA.

The key takeaway is that the US often doesn’t adhere to international agreements. Its record of compliance with international instruments in various domains is dismal. The US is a direct player; if it told Israel to back off, the conflict would end within weeks.

What about the other international powers, China and Russia?

Sukumar Muralidharan: China and Russia have largely been bystanders. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, of which both are members, strongly condemned the Israeli attack on Iran, though India, also a member, dissociated itself. China has tried to mediate between Palestinian groups like Fatah and Hamas, but with limited on-ground impact.

Russia and Iran have been strategic allies, collaborating in Syria. They formally signed a strategic alliance this year. Russia recently issued a strong statement warning the US not to get involved.18 There are unverified reports that Iran has asked China to replenish its depleted weapons supplies.

But don’t you think that when the US is destroying countries and any force against them, it is also a threat to China?

Sukumar Muralidharan: From a long-term strategic perspective, yes, it is a threat to China. However, China possesses diverse tools beyond military force, including economic power, manufacturing clout, and significant dollar reserves. Once the military crisis subsides, China will likely deploy these other instruments. The US itself is facing internal schisms, a breakdown of bipartisan foreign policy consensus, and economic burdens like inequality and national debt, which could impact its long-term power.

Now, if you have to come specifically to how this attack by Israel on Iran is going to affect geopolitically the entire Middle East, and what are its implications globally?

Sukumar Muralidharan: The immediate implication is the provisional fulfillment of the Zionist dream: hegemonic control over the territory from the Euphrates to the Nile, with opposition crushed or silenced. The reliability of Israel-US allies in the region, primarily the oil emirates, remains to be seen, as wealth doesn’t always guarantee stability or peace.

Okay, I have another two questions. There are two things. One is, of course, the ruling dispensations in different parts, different countries, individually. And the other thing is their people, their masses. So, how do we see it? One is, of course, the ruling dispensations, whoever is in power. But how are the people, the people in the Arabic world, how are they witnessing it? How are they seeing it? How are they going to respond to it?

Sukumar Muralidharan: While people are deeply disturbed by the situation in Gaza and occupied Palestine, their ability to voice dissent is limited by authoritarian regimes. The Arab Spring showed how brief popular uprisings often ended in chaos or the re-establishment of old regimes with US-Israeli support.

It’s difficult to predict how the masses will respond, but Gaza has become unlivable. Over 2 million people, already struggling before the onslaught, now have no recourse. Israel has destroyed most housing, hospitals, infrastructure, schools, and over half the farmland. Unexploded ordnance will render the land toxic for decades. The people of Gaza, however, are resilient and unlikely to leave their territory, opting for tent cities if necessary.