The dispute between the Central Government and the Tamil Nadu Government over the former’s purported move to impose Hindi on the southern state, allegedly through the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, has once again exposed one of the nation’s major fault lines – the linguistic divide. It is well-established that while enriching the country’s cultural mosaic, language (along with caste, ethnicity, and religion) has also contributed to political complexities, often with severe consequences.
The violent language movements of the 1950s and 1960s in many parts of the country, particularly in the southern states, against the imposition of Hindi and in defense of regional languages, stand as a testament to this harsh reality. Furthermore, the situation has not significantly improved; there are frequent reports of non-natives facing harassment from natives over language issues in states like Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Maharashtra. Fueled by political opportunism, discord over language is a persistent problem that resists resolution. Strong linguistic identity, demands for its recognition, and perceived threats to native languages have long instigated such language conflicts in various parts of the country.
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Indeed, a strong linguistic identity is not unique to India but is prevalent throughout the subcontinent. The creation of Bangladesh, formerly part of Pakistan, exemplifies how language triumphed over religion, thereby challenging the two-nation theory. The observance of “International Mother Language Day,” initiated by Bangladesh in 2000 to commemorate the killing of students at the University of Dhaka on February 21, 1952, by Pakistani forces for protesting against the imposition of Urdu, serves as a reminder of the deep connection people have with their language.
Historically, language movements have arisen from the need for a lingua franca to facilitate communication among speakers of different native languages. However, this often resulted in conflicts as politically dominant groups sought to impose their languages on other linguistic groups, leading to unrest and what can be termed a ‘lingua franca fracas.’ The imposition of Urdu across Pakistan ultimately proved costly for Islamabad, while a similar attempt to impose Hindi in India resulted in bloodshed in the 1950s. However, policymakers in Delhi quickly recognized the error and adopted a two-language formula: English and Hindi have since been recognized as official languages, along with 22 other scheduled languages.
Despite this, states continued to experience bitter disputes over languages. If the reorganization of states in 1956 along linguistic lines was insufficient, additional states had to be carved out subsequently due to language-related issues. Even now, language conflicts persist in some states. The events in Assam serve as a reminder of how discord over language can permanently damage a social fabric. To recall, the state witnessed a significant language movement in the 1960s as people in the Brahmaputra Valley demanded Assamese as the sole official language and medium of instruction in educational institutions. This had a historical context: since Bengali was promoted as an official language in the state by the British in the 19th century, there was a perceived threat to the Assamese language and culture. However, the language movement in the Brahmaputra Valley led to a series of events that pushed the state to the brink.
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Opposing the imposition of Assamese, the predominantly Bengali-speaking people in the Barak Valley initiated a counter-movement, while tribal groups demanded recognition of their languages and even separation. This resulted in a bloody toll and permanently fractured the state’s fragile social fabric by exacerbating ethnic and linguistic divisions. Dispur has, however, wisely recognized English, Hindi, Bengali, and Bodo as official languages of Assam, in addition to Assamese, while Manipuri has been made an associate official language in certain parts of the state.
Given the strength of linguistic identity, leaders and parties in the country have readily exploited these sensitive issues to incite discord. And, like caste, ethnicity, and religion, the language issue has served as a convenient tool for leaders and parties to divert public attention from more pressing issues of governance, law and order, and economic downturn. The recent confrontation between the Central Government and the Tamil Nadu Government over the implementation of the NEP’s three-language formula is a prime example.
While the policy does not mandate the imposition of Hindi, the MK Stalin-led DMK government quickly accused New Delhi of attempting to impose Hindi and asserted that no language other than Tamil and English would be taught in schools. By weaponizing language and adopting a defiant stance, Stalin appears to be attempting to rekindle passion over language and perpetuate polarization along linguistic lines. Fortunately, other states, particularly in the South, have adopted a more conciliatory approach to the issue. For instance, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu has not only supported the NEP’s three-language formula but also advocated for learning Hindi, stating that “a language is not for hating.”
As many would agree, facing challenges on multiple fronts, another round of language conflict is the last thing the country needs. Ethnic, linguistic, religious, and cultural diversities are indeed a cause for celebration, but there can be no justification for erecting narrow domestic barriers based on caste, ethnicity, language, region, and religion, as it will only endanger the country’s social fabric. A shared heritage, language should not be a source of social friction and certainly not an obstacle to national unity. Throughout history, languages worldwide (not just in India) have always influenced and enriched each other.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not reflect the views of Northeast Now.
Anirban Choudhury is a senior journalist based in Guwahati. He may be reached at: [email protected]