Much has been said and written about the recent CJP-led protest in Delhi and elsewhere across the country, and its aftermath. There is jubilation across large sections of the population, cutting across diversities and divisions that have been, and continue to be, the bane of India’s forward movement and progress. Young people have been lauded for their resolve, integrity, courage and, most of all, for making citizens open their eyes to the possibilities of a life without fear—fear that is deliberately created and stoked by demonising and dehumanising the “others”—and for prompting citizens to revisit and rethink India’s over-a-decade-old one-dimensional political narrative.
All this, and more, has naturally unleashed fear, insecurity and rage among those ideologically aligned with and politically linked to the country’s powerful ruling dispensation because the carefully curated political narrative of more than a decade is beginning to unravel, the image of invincibility has been irreparably dented, and long-held perceptions and perspectives are changing.
The violence and harassment that continue to be unleashed against young people, the trumped-up charges filed against many of them across BJP-ruled states, the online and offline threats and intimidation—especially against young women—and the ruling party’s propaganda machinery working overtime to cast aspersions on young people all prove that the CJP-led protest, which youngsters and large sections of the country embraced so wholeheartedly, especially the middle class—the main base of BJP support—has changed minds, hearts and the national discourse.
These tactics are acts of desperation and evidence of a regime running out of ideas. You will recall H.G. Wells’ quote: “The man who raises a fist has run out of ideas.” It means that violence begins when reason and intelligent thinking end. The quote suggests: (1) Loss of words: When a person cannot use logic or sound arguments to win a debate, they resort to anger. (2) Quick anger: Raising a hand or resorting to violence is easy, but it reflects weakness. (3) True power: Real strength lies in using one’s intellect and resolving differences through dialogue rather than force. Governments probably have not heard of H.G. Wells—or this quote of his.
The protest also underscored a clear and unequivocal message: in a democracy, people have the right to protest and demand their rights. This message has resonated so strongly that even schoolchildren have begun standing up for their rights by demanding better educational facilities. Visuals have emerged from several parts of the country showing pupils in Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and Bihar fearlessly staging demonstrations to demand basic amenities such as fans and benches, while also highlighting teacher shortages.
Across these four states, the demands were strikingly similar, as they are in Nagaland and across the Northeast: functioning classrooms, clean toilets, safe surroundings, adequate teaching staff and access to drinking water. The protests have once again brought into focus a familiar disparity that exists in almost every state—that children studying in government schools have to take to the streets to demand facilities that should constitute the minimum standard of education. This underscores that reforms require far more than laws that merely bolt the stable door after the horse has bolted.
All these schoolchildren belong to Generation Alpha, the demographic cohort born between 2010 and 2024, following Generation Z and preceding Generation Beta. Coined by social researcher Mark McCrindle, they are the first generation born entirely in the 21st century. Most are children of Millennials. Their key traits include: Digital natives: immersed in smartphones, tablets and AI from birth; Global scale: projected to number more than two billion, making them one of the largest generations in history; Education and impact: expected to become the most formally educated generation, with enormous economic influence. When 16-year-olds and younger begin demanding their rights, no government can afford to ignore them because they will soon become voters fully aware of their rights and freedoms.
Will regressive ideologies, divisive politics and monolithic political parties be able to understand, respond to and fulfil the aspirations of this generation? They have failed to comprehend what Generation Z is all about, so how prepared will they be for Generation Alpha? Interestingly, H.G. Wells famously wrote in 1945: “Adapt or perish, now as ever, is nature’s inexorable imperative.” The line recognises that the world is constantly changing and that those unwilling to adapt risk being left behind. Can ideologies rooted in glorifying the past coexist harmoniously with the aspirations of a forward-looking generation?
In an article titled Cracks Are Showing (The Telegraph, July 29, 2026), Charu Sudan Kasturi, a journalist who writes on foreign policy and international relations, says:
“But the scale and the nature of the anger against Modi and his government on display in these past few days at protests across the country are bound to force a rethink. India will remain a country that other nations will want to engage on priority. But it will be clearer than ever to other nations now that Modi is not India. To be sure, India’s elected government under Modi remains the country’s foremost and formal representative abroad. The Prime Minister is, by all accounts, popular among millennials and older Indians of many demographic backgrounds. There is little evidence that his support among the most vocal segments of the Indian diaspora has witnessed a meaningful dent either.
“But investments—economic or geopolitical—are made with an eye on the future. And India’s future, its Gen Z, is challenging Modi, even mocking him. Therein lies the problem for Indian foreign policy. For too long, the country’s diplomacy has been built around Modi and the narrative of his warm, personal relationships with other world leaders. When Modi visits other countries, the takeaways for India highlighted by the government and its social media army include not only actual deals but also personal awards conferred on Modi by host nations keen to please him; not just investment commitments but images of hugs, backslaps and forced laughter with world leaders. What happens when those hosts realise this is not enough to secure their future interests?”
Inarguably, the ripple effects of the protest and the support it received are not confined to India alone. Reportedly, food was even ordered for the young protesters from the United States—possibly from other countries as well. It is not merely about support but about the world’s renewed focus on India’s young population and an education system that has failed them, along with the implications this holds for the future.
Unfortunately, the apparent reluctance to reform the education system—and consequently the failure to address the concerns of young people in a meaningful and empowering manner—will inevitably have political consequences, including for electoral politics. Irrefutably, the recent CJP-led youth protest has given hope to large sections of previously silenced and marginalised people, enabling them to find their voice and assert their rights. Most importantly, it has created optimism that Indian democracy will remain safe in the hands of the country’s young in the years to come. Rome was not built in a day, but the young have time on their side.
Monalisa Changkija is a Dimapur-based veteran journalist, poet, and former proprietor, publisher and editor of Nagaland Page.